Companies are starting to question dated approaches to government affairs. I should hope so. In 2025, spending on lobbying firms hit a record $5 billion; that doesn’t even cover the broader network of public affairs experts, regulatory lawyers, policy tank contributions, strategy consultants, and others in the influence game.
If deployed correctly, the spending is worth it, given the prosperity that good government policy can unlock. After more than a decade in conservative policy circles—including as an official in the first Trump White House and now founder of a consulting firm—I’ve seen policy approaches from every angle.
Too many companies are slow to adopt politically focused executive branch government affairs, preferring to court legislative branch and career staffers. It’s dated, but it’s comforting. However, hiring a political lobbyist for the Trump administration is about ensuring that a business or movement’s story is worked through the policy process—after a policy leaves the career staff—in terms that resonate and inspire results.
This exercise in effective communication (translation, almost) shouldn’t be discounted. MAGA-world policymakers experience things in a way most corporate lifers can’t intuitively know. The media we consume, the people we like, and the policy arguments we dislike all shape how we receive incoming information.
Effective policy strategy also considers clear goal setting, earned credibility, and smart internal coordination of a network of unique help.
Most Trump staffers are incredibly action oriented. Friendly government relations managers simply hoping to introduce themselves, keep a positive relationship, and otherwise smoke cigars are treating this historic administration like Congress.
Give this administration a task! Be creative. I remember one company, explaining how its costs were sky-high because of a particular kind of fraud, wanted the Justice Department to intervene. Isn’t there something more targeted, more groundbreaking, to request than a lawsuit?
Nothing buys camaraderie like a fun project furthering American exceptionalism. Using the Defense Production Act to open up oil off the coast of California is an example of a creative solution. The Trump administration relied heavily on this particular legal tool during the Covid-19 pandemic and is eager to deploy similar mechanisms.
And that’s truly motivating—the Trump “doers” spent the four years of the last administration watching policies wholly at odds with our view of excellence and are motivated to turbo-charge the American economy and, perhaps more importantly, the American spirit. Speak to that drive.
When having those conversations, trust helps. Senior Trump political staff—not the names you’ve seen on television, but the worker bees a layer down—have weathered at least one underdog presidential campaign, the Mueller investigation into the 2016 election, two impeachments, Covid-19, Jan. 6 fallout, and social media censorship.
This has culminated to where even low-level staffers have been locked out of corporate, and even conservative-aligned, employment. Encountering a slick-dressed “Republican” lobbyist with no battle scars doesn’t exactly inspire an in-this-together mentality. Trust comes from hard-earned commitment.
And while Capitol Hill relationships may be nurtured through a competent Senate and House Republican, the credential that matters in Trump 2.0 isn’t really the “R” next to someone’s name. It’s the depth of time spent inside the relevant movement or issue space.
Many successful companies are putting together bespoke teams. Instead of one lobbying firm handling everything, smart companies mix and match: a big firm for the Hill and fundraising, seasoned Trump 1.0 lawyers for gritty regulatory issues, boutique consultants for experienced insights, bipartisan subject matter experts, MAGA-fluent public affairs shops for narrative shaping, and partnerships with smart policy tanks.
This modular approach comes with a catch. Fragmentation demands strong internal coordination. Someone inside the company must decide which messages are consistent and which tactics are counterproductive. Many companies lack a government affairs lead, leaving their lawyer or even CEO barreling down rabbit holes of conflicting information.
For that, what can work well is a lean coordinating firm gatekeeping a team of advisers—ensuring the smaller advisers and public affairs experts operate in harmony without stepping on one another.
The companies that get this right won’t just avoid wasted spending. They will shape policy in ways that create jobs, foster innovation, and strengthen the Trump economy.
This article does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Bloomberg Industry Group Inc., the publisher of Bloomberg Law, Bloomberg Tax, and Bloomberg Government, or its owners.
Author Information
May Mailman is the founder of MPL Strategies and a former deputy assistant to the president and senior policy strategist in the Trump administration.
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