Trump’s Iran Strikes Usher In Era of Unrestrained American Power (3)

March 2, 2026, 5:54 PM UTC

President Donald Trump has long said the US is done with nation-building. Now, he’s embraced a form of intervention that hearkens back to an earlier American era: openly targeting adversaries’ leaders for death or arrest while offering few details about how the US intends to manage the aftermath.

Just a few weeks ago, US forces seized Venezuela’s president in a surprise raid from the air. By ordering strikes on Iran that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei this weekend, Trump has gone even further. Scores have already been killed, including four US troops so far. Hundreds of Iranian missiles and drones have hit countries across the region, while American and Israeli forces continue their attacks. The escalation and its unpredictable consequences are already driving oil prices higher and testing investor tolerance for geopolitical risk.

President Donald Trump oversees “Operation Epic Fury” with Secretary of State Marco Rubio and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles at Mar-a-Lago in Palm Beach, Florida, in this photograph released by The White House on Feb. 28.
Photographer: Daniel Torok/The White House

The message is unmistakable: almost no foreign adversary should feel secure, except perhaps those that have nuclear weapons. Rivals will have to contend with a more unrestrained form of American power — one that critics say shatters the legal restraints Washington has long demanded of others.

“Trump seems to have become worryingly ready to use the formidable US military power and to do so without any constraint — guided only by what he sees as US interests at any particular moment,” former UK National Security Adviser Peter Ricketts told Bloomberg. “This might-is-right approach sets a terrible precedent, where any country can feel free to attack the leader of any other — exactly what the UN Charter was intended to prevent.”

A yacht sails past a plume of smoke rising from the port of Jebel Ali following a reported Iranian strike in Dubai on March 1.
Photographer: Fadel Senna/AFP/Getty Images

As Iranian missiles struck targets across the Gulf, shipments through the Strait of Hormuz — the conduit for about a fifth of the world’s seaborne oil and gas — slowed sharply, with shipping lines suspending transits, insurers reassessing risk and some shipowners invoking war clauses to cancel voyages. Airlines grounded flights across the region, including global hubs like Dubai, with operations remaining restricted Monday.

Read More: GLOBAL INSIGHT: Iran War – Three Scenarios for Oil and Economy

Brent crude, already up nearly 20% this year, was trading around $77 a barrel after surging the most in four years Sunday. Bloomberg Economics estimates a full closure of the Strait could push oil as high as $108 a barrel. Saudi Arabia shut its biggest oil refinery after a drone attack. Natural gas prices in Europe jumped more than 50% after Qatar, a key supplier, shut production at the world’s largest LNG export facility. Gold and the dollaralso rose, and US Treasuries weakened amid fears of rising inflation.

“When you look at past presidents, we’ve never used our full power,” said Jack Devine, former director of operations at the CIA. “We were at the more collegial 7 level. Trump has amped it up to the 10 level. This is a brave new world.”

While Trump has urged protesters who flooded Iran’s streets in December and January to seize power, there is no sign that the administration has laid the groundwork for an opposition movement to quickly rise up against the regime.

Tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has dwindled, with vessels pooling on either side of the corridor.
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Some Iranians took to the streets to celebrate the death of a leader blamed for decades of repression, but large crowds also mourned him and there was no immediate sign of the broad uprising that Trump has called for in recent days.

Monday, Trump didn’t include regime change among the goals of the operation, citing instead the destruction of Iran’s missiles and navy, as well as preventing it from obtaining nuclear weapons and funding terrorism outside its borders. He vowed to continue attacks as long as needed.

“We projected four to five weeks, but we have capability to go far longer than that,” Trump said at a White House event. “Whatever the time is, it’s OK. Whatever it takes.”

Three US fighter jets crashed after being mistakenly shot by Kuwaiti air defenses, but the crews were able to eject from the planes.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said attacks will intensify in the coming days. Israel expanded its campaign to Beirut after coming under attack from Hezbollah fighters in southern Lebanon, who are allied with Tehran.

Read More: UAE and Qatar Urge Allies to Help Trump Find Off-Ramp on Iran

Trump didn’t rule out deploying ground troops “if they were necessary,” the New York Post reported Monday. On Sunday, he told the New York Times that some of the Iranian leaders his administration had identified as possible interlocutors for talks had been killed in the initial attacks. Iran’s security chief Ali Larijani said Tehran won’t negotiate with the US.

“Decapitation in theory could mean regime change — but in fact it may just mean you have decapitated the individual, and you stick with the regime,” said Dennis Ross, President Bill Clinton’s envoy to the Middle East, now a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “It’ll only look like it’s a great success actually if there really is no longer a threat, if there’s a rising up of the public and they don’t massacre their people.”

People gather to mourn the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran on March 1.
Photographer: Atta Kenare/AFP/Getty Images

Read More: Trump’s Iran War Widens, Forcing Reluctant Allies to Choose

Domestically, Trump’s aggressive foreign policy is a risky gamble for a president who ran against foreign wars and has done little to build public support for the operation. The escalation comes months before midterm elections where his Republican party is likely to lose ground, according to polls, as voters focus on the high cost of living.

Trump is attempting a realignment of US foreign policy as radical as George W. Bush’s after Sept. 11 — but without the galvanizing shock that unified public and political opinion in 2001. There is no comparable national consensus this time. Opposition within Congress is sharper, with almost no public support for another open-ended foreign conflict.

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Only one in four Americans approves of the US strikes that killed Khamenei, while about half — including one in four Republicans — say Trump is too willing to use military force, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll released Sunday.

“I don’t care about polling,” Trump told the New York Post Monday. “I have to do the right thing.”

Read More: The Complex History of US-Iran Relations: A Visual Timeline

Trump allies immediately cast the operation as a historic success. “My mind is racing with the thought that the murderous Ayatollah’s regime in Iran will soon be no more,” Sen. Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican, wrote on X. “The biggest change in the Middle East in a thousand years is upon us.”

Critics see it differently.

“Trump is clearly an imperialist president. He’s clearly someone who is infatuated with his own power in terms of being able to deploy our military,” New Jersey Democratic Senator Andy Kim said in an interview. “There is no grand strategy right now in America. This is very clearly just at the whim of one person: Donald Trump.”

Read More: Iran Switches to Survival Mode After Killing of Khamenei

The latest attacks go far beyond last year’s strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities. It killed Khamenei, the man who’d dominated Iranian politics for more than three decades, and wiped out senior security figures around him, leaving the Islamic Republic facing a sudden succession crisis.

In Venezuela, President Nicolas Maduro is gone, but the governing apparatus he led remains largely in place under acting President Delcy Rodríguez, who has agreed to give Trump sweeping control over its vast oil industry. Over the weekend, he said Venezuela could be a model scenario for Iran.

Ousted Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro arrives at the Wall Street heliport ahead of his appearance in federal court in New York on Jan. 5.
Photographer: Michael Nagle/Bloomberg

Trump has suggested Cuba could be among his next targets, as well. So far, tighter sanctions and energy pressure have deepened hardship but have yet to produce political change.

In Iran, the stakes are higher. Iranian missiles have struck Israeli and US sites across the Gulf and more than half a dozen countries including the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia.

The lesson for other leaders is stark.

For some, a credible nuclear deterrent — and careful management of Washington — can be a powerful form of protection, as Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un, both shielded by nuclear arsenals and always keen to flatter Trump, seem to have learned. Trump has repeatedly made clear that Iran wouldn’t be allowed to get a nuclear weapon, which Tehran said was never its goal.

A change of regime in Tehran would be a setback to Moscow and Beijing, which have cultivated ties with the Islamic Republic. Putin called the killing of Khamenei a “cynical violation of all norms of human morality and international law.”

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said it was “unacceptable to openly kill the leader of a sovereign country and institute regime change,” warning in a call with his Russian counterpart that the actions risked driving the Middle East into the “abyss.”

Read More: Trump’s Removal of Another Xi Friend Complicates Planned Summit

Smoke rises from an area targeted in attacks in Tehran on March 1.
Photographer: Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu/Getty Images

Some Chinese analysts suggest a prolonged US entanglement in the Middle East could ultimately absorb American attention and distract Washington from Asia. “If the Iranian government can function normally and quickly establish an alternative,” said Li Weijian, a researcher at the Shanghai Institute for International Studies, “it will not have a significant impact on China’s various interests.”

Meanwhile, India’s Narendra Modi is facing criticism at home for not condemning the attacks.

US allies are worried. French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer issued a joint statement stressing that their countries “didn’t take part in the strikes on Iran” and calling for talks to resume.

Privately, two senior European officials said allies have come to see Trump’s confrontational approach as the new normal, even if they disagree with it. They said few in Europe will miss leaders like Maduro or Khamenei, but lament the methods used to remove them.

“Europeans are very nervous about the way that both the US and Israel appeared to be a law unto themselves, that we didn’t even bother to inform our European allies,” said Kori Schake, director of foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute and former White House official.

For oil markets, the impact of Trump’s policies this year has already been dramatic. Venezuelan barrels that once moved on shadow-fleet tankers under heavy sanctions are now flowing to buyers in the US, Europe and India on Western ships.

How the attack on Iran reshapes global supply remains unclear. Traders tracked developments by the hour over the weekend as shipments through Hormuz slowed, three vessels were reportedly attacked in the region and explosions were reported on Iran’s Kharg Island export hub, though details were still emerging. Publicly, Tehran said it doesn’t intend to close the Strait but that hasn’t reassured shippers, who are staying away.

Read More: Iran Strikes: What’s at Stake for Oil Markets as War Spreads

Across the Gulf, airlines halted operations in Dubai, Doha and Abu Dhabi, stranding tens of thousands of passengers and disrupting one of the world’s busiest aviation corridors and financial centers.

Tehran’s network of proxies could also further widen the fight, though Israel has destroyed much of their military capability in recent years. The Houthis have already threatened to resume attacks on US-linked shipping in the Red Sea.

Trump is pursuing his foreign policy goals far more aggressively than in his first term, driven in part by a desire to define his legacy and a realization that his military powers are far vaster than he’d previously understood, according to a senior European diplomat in Washington, who asked not to be identified discussing policy.

“What you’ve seen is a president who’s very much willing to use force, albeit not for lengthy operations on the ground, but is certainly willing to use force, and that those forces have been absolutely extraordinary in executing the operations he has directed,” said David Petraeus, retired US Army general and former CIA chief, now at KKR & Co. “I’d hope potential adversaries or real adversaries anywhere would take that message.”

A live feed airs a clip of President Trump’s Truth Social video announcement in the White House James S. Brady Press Briefing Room in Washington, DC, on Feb. 28.
Photographer: Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

Critics say Trump’s approach is shaped by a 24-hour news cycle and his own short attention span. US voters, too, have shown little patience for drawn-out campaigns. Instead of calibrated pressure over months or years, he has so far opted for swift, high-impact blows.

His approach isn’t entirely new. After Sept. 11, targeted killing became a pillar of American counterterrorism. President Barack Obama vastly expanded the use of drone strikes, and President Joe Biden preserved the tool, tightening the rules but keeping the trigger within reach.

Trump pushed the envelope in his first term. In 2020, he ordered the strike that killed Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, the architect of Tehran’s regional network, but stopped short of striking the apex of Iran’s political order.

“Trump is the first US president to say he does not ‘need’ international law and to act openly and brazenly in disregard of it,” said Mary Ellen O’Connell, a law professor at the University of Notre Dame.

US adventurism in the Middle East has a long record of unintended consequences that sometimes take years to play out — from the 1953 CIA-backed coup in Iran that ultimately helped stoke the 1979 Islamic Revolution to the chaos that allowed Islamic State to seize territory across Iraq and Syria a decade after the US invasion of Iraq.

A collapse of central authority in Tehran could spark a refugee wave that reverberates in Europe and beyond — as Syria’s did a decade ago, reshaping politics across the continent — while drawing neighboring states and global powers deeper into the conflict.

Protesters shout anti-US and anti-Israeli slogans during a rally in Tehran on March 1.
Photographer: Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto/Getty Images

“In this kind of situation, the individual who emerges is often the one who has the most guys with the most guns and the willingness to use them in a really hard-edged manner,” said Petraeus.

The US has targeted foreign leaders before, usually in the shadows — from the 1973 coup that brought Augusto Pinochet to power in Chile to assassination plots against Cuba’s Fidel Castro and Congo’s Patrice Lumumba in the 1960s.

What sets Trump’s latest action apart is its openness: a publicly acknowledged military campaign aimed at the apex of a sovereign government that few believe posed an imminent threat the US.

“You have a country that is the most powerful country on the planet, running around, knocking over regimes without a lot of warning, without a lot of rationale,” said Rosemary Kelanic, director of the Middle East program at Defense Priorities, a Washington think tank that’s skeptical about the use of force. There’s “very little if any planning for what happens afterwards,” she said.

(Updates with market data, Trump comments from sixth paragraph.)

--With assistance from Alex Wickham, Samy Adghirni, Alex Longley, Lucy White, Ramsey Al-Rikabi, Nectar Gan, Anthony Halpin, Ellen Milligan, Jennifer A Dlouhy, Ben Bartenstein, Ben Holland, Iain Marlow and Jeremy Diamond.

To contact the authors of this story:
Peter Martin in Nairobi at pmartin138@bloomberg.net

Eric Martin in Washington at emartin21@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Neil Munshi at nmunshi3@bloomberg.net

Gregory White

© 2026 Bloomberg L.P. All rights reserved. Used with permission.

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