Unions are steeling themselves for an uncertain future under President-elect
Labor leaders are grappling with the reality of few influential allies in Washington, requiring them to shift resources to grassroots action to beat back Trump’s agenda. They have every reason to believe that Trump and Musk—who have called for firing workers on strike and sought to abolish the federal labor board —will fight them at every turn.
Union leaders, strategists, and allies said in interviews that they must focus relentlessly on organizing, leveraging high public support.
“It was a sucker punch, but we definitely did everything we could,” AFL-CIO President Liz Shuler said. “Everybody is kind of wringing their hands as far as what we do next, but the labor movement is really clear: We’re going to continue to organize and focus on the things we can control.”
Seventy percent of Americans approve of labor unions, the highest in more than half a century. But that hasn’t translated to a greater share of the workforce, as private-sector union density has languished at 6%, compared to nearly 17% in the early 1980s.
The coming years mark an about-face for organized labor that saw a resurgence under President
But Democrats also failed to pass the PRO Act—a sweeping package of changes to make it easier for unions to organize—when they held majorities in Congress during Biden’s first two years, causing frustration in union circles and amplifying the belief that they should spend more money on organizing and less on politics.
Trump on Nov. 22 nominated Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer for labor secretary, elevating a rare pro-union Republican and potentially setting up a clash with the business lobby over employee classification and organizing rights. She is one of a handful of Republicans to support the PRO Act.
Opportunities Missed
Union PACs gave more than $42 million to Democrats in the 2023 to 2024 cycle, compared to less than $7 million to Republicans, according to Open Secrets, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics.
“Carter, Clinton, Obama, Biden—all of them have had at least two years of Democratic control in both chambers, and none of them could pass labor law reform,” said former US Rep. Andy Levin, a former union organizer who supported the PRO Act.
The solution, he said, is to return to the type of disruptive organizing that resulted in the National Labor Relations Act of 1935.
“They were striking for recognition, they were marching around,” Levin said. “And the bosses said, ‘There’s got to be some order to this.’”
Others in the union sphere privately wonder if there will be slivers of common ground with the Trump administration. Project 2025, the much-discussed Heritage Foundation plan for a second Trump presidency, encourages the use of 10(j) injunctions to swiftly reinstate workers wrongly fired for union activity.
Yet the plan is also rife with policies unions despise, including a ban on “card-check” recognition that allows unions to be formed without an election. The appointment of conservative judges has also made it easier for Trump’s allies to defeat the NLRB, in whole or in part.
“They could either leave the labor law in place and take away their enforcement,” said Kate Bronfenbrenner, a professor at Cornell University’s School of Industrial and Labor Relations. “Or they could just strike it down altogether.”
The Musk Effect
There’s widespread fear among unions that the Trump administration will weaken enforcement mechanisms at the National Labor Relations Board. Musk has opposed unions at
Days after the election, Trump put Musk at the head of a new commission tasked with cutting $2 trillion in federal spending, though that may not be possible without cuts to entitlement programs such as Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
The NLRB members and general counsel are political appointees, meaning Trump may be able to fire them. Loyalists could bury complaints that come to the agency.
“If he dismantles the NLRB, what’s the incentive for a company to negotiate a contract with you?” said Marty Walsh, executive director of the National Hockey League Players’ Association, who served as Biden’s first labor secretary.
Musk has been a constant presence at Trump’s Florida estate, where the president-elect has sought his advice on key decisions. Musk’s history of conflict with the board could make it a prime target for retribution, union supporters say.
Neither the Trump transition nor representatives for Musk at Tesla and SpaceX responded to requests for comment.
“He has no regard for working people—that’s clear,” Shuler said. “But they can throw all the money they want out there. I just think you can’t buy your way or out-organize workers just by throwing money at something.”
“They might have the money and the power at the moment, but we have numbers,” she added.
Attorneys for SpaceX and Amazon sued in federal court claiming that the NLRB is unconstitutional. It’s an extension of Musk’s efforts to fight a board complaint that he illegally fired eight workers over an open letter condemning some of his online statements.
The board in 2021 separately ordered Musk to delete a tweet that seemingly threatened to cut benefits from Tesla workers if they unionize. The US Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit reversed that order last month.
And in a live conversation in August on X, the Musk-owned social media platform, Trump told the EV mogul he should fire any Tesla worker who dares to go on strike. That drew outrage from unions, prompting the United Auto Workers to file unfair labor practice charges against both men.
“There’s no doubt it’s going to be harder,” Bronfenbrenner said. “Just look at the man who’s sitting next to the president.”
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