Sen. John Thune has been a fixture at the Capitol for more than a quarter of a century. But less well known are his ties to the lobbying sector from the inside out.
After losing his first Senate bid in 2002, the South Dakota Republican decamped for K Street, giving him an up-close view of Washington, D.C.’s signature industry.
While he has been in office, those in the influence industry have helped fuel Thune’s fundraising network, which includes his re-election committee as well as leadership PACs and joint fundraising committees. Thune, Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) are running to replace current GOP leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) who has a vast network on K Street. Cornyn and Thune have major fundraising networks, according to a Bloomberg Government analysis.
Lobbyists are among Thune’s top five donor sectors, according to OpenSecrets.org. He has a tight-knit collection of former aides who have gone into lobbying and a wider circle of lobbyists – informal advisers, friends, hunting buddies – who have gotten to know him going back as far as his service in the House.
As the South Dakotan undertakes his campaign for Senate Republican leader, these links to lobbyists, including his own tenure downtown, provide connections to a plugged-in network for strategy and fundraising. It may also come with a downside, dredging up long-ago potential conflicts of interest and serving as a reminder of how the GOP has shifted away from business interests during Thune’s two decades in the Senate.
“Sen. Thune is a classic case of the reverse revolving door,” said Craig Holman, a lobbyist with the liberal watch dog Public Citizen, which advocates for stricter ethics rules between government and K Street.
Thune’s time on K Street is a distant memory to most, but the minority whip’s affable, Midwestern profile makes him widely admired downtown. He’s well versed in agriculture, telecommunications, aviation and technology issues, lobbyists said, a nod to his home state plus his past leadership of the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation panel.
Many said Thune’s stint as a lobbyist was far less consequential or formative than his tenure on Capitol Hill including as an aide to then-Sen. James Abdnor (R-S.D.).
“I don’t think lobbying was ever something he wanted to do then,” said Jennifer Bell, who worked for Thune when he was in the House. Bell is now a lobbyist at Chamber Hill Strategies.
“He’s always wanted to serve,” she said.
Railroad Client
Thune, who vacated his House seat to run for Senate, lost his first bid in 2002 to Democrat Tim Johnson by fewer than 600 votes.
Out of a job, he followed a similar path of ex-lawmakers into lobbying by joining the firm now known as ArentFox Schiff where his clients included the National Milk Producers Federation and the Taylor Recycling Facility, according to lobbying disclosures. For the recycling client, Thune lobbied the Energy Department in the first half of 2003 for funding for energy facility expansion, according to a disclosure.
He started his own firm, the Thune Group, in Sioux Falls, S.D., in 2003 where his biggest client was the D M & E Railroad, according to lobbying disclosure filings. He disclosed lobbying for funding from the Federal Railroad Administration and on Interior Department “permitting for easements and rights-of-way,” according to a filing covering the second half of 2004.
The work has continued to provide fodder for those who want stronger rules for officials-turned-lobbyists who return to the government.
Holman said Thune pursued legislation that “directly and substantially benefited his former clients.”
His railroad lobbying, for example, was the subject of a 2010 New York Times story that examined his efforts in the Senate to help his former client; Thune said he was trying to help economic development in South Dakota, according to the Times.
All told, Thune brought in, along with other lobbyists at ArentFox, $600,000 in lobbying fees in 2003 and 2004 between both firms, disclosures show.
The work didn’t prevent him from winning a hotly contested seat in 2004 against then-Senate Democratic Leader Tom Daschle, who then became a lobbyist.
‘All Around Gentleman’
Thune has said little about his own time on K Street.
“I think any time you’re working as an advocate for a constituency group, you want to make sure first and foremost that you develop trust,” he said during a brief interview in the Senate this week when asked about his lobbying. “I think that’s the most important thing working with any group of people. Working with government is no exception.”
Thune, through a spokesman, declined an interview request to discuss his lobbying experience in more detail.
His fans include lobbyists who knew him on Capitol Hill. T.J. Petrizzo, who runs the Petrizzo Group, said Thune was a standout freshman House member in 1997. Petrizzo, at the time was chief of staff to then-Rep. Jennifer Dunn (R-Wash.).
“He just exuded leadership,” Petrizzo said. He’s also a role model, he said. “If I ever had a big brother, I’d want it to be John Thune. He’s an all around gentleman.”
Petrizzo said former Thune aides are dedicated to their one-time boss.
Thune has one-time aides scattered around lobbying, policy, and executive jobs.
Doug Schwartz, who was chief of staff at the Senate Republican Conference while Thune was chairman, runs his own firm, HillNorth Government Affairs, where his clients include Fox Corp. and Amgen Inc.
Former Thune chief of staff Matt Zabel is executive vice president and chief corporate affairs officer at Target. Brendon Plack, another Thune chief, is senior VP of public policy and government affairs for the National Football League. Ann Marie Hauser, was deputy staff director of the Senate Republican Conference under Thune, is VP of public affairs at the Hudson Institute.
These ties to business interests, however, may not be a selling point among the newer brand of Republicans, who have taken a more populist route, putting them at odds with longstanding corporate priorities, such as immigration and trade policy.
‘Powerhouse Operation’
Lobbyists say Thune is engaging in meetings with their clients and surrounds himself with top-tier staffers.
“He’s got an excellent reputation as somebody who’s approachable, knowledgeable, and willing to get in the mix on potential deals,” said Stewart Verdery, a former Senate GOP leadership aide and founder of Monument Advocacy. “If you’re thinking about bringing in a CEO or an executive, he’s really good at being personable while having substantive conversations.”
“It’s a powerhouse operation,” Verdery said of Thune’s team.
“He’s a very genuine individual,” said Ron Bonjean, a former Hill aide and co-founder of Rokk Solutions. “You do not feel like you’re in the presence of a stereotypical politician when you’re having a meeting with him.”
Alex Vogel, founder of the Vogel Group, said he first got to know Thune before either of them lobbied. Vogel was general counsel at the National Republican Senatorial Committee in 2002 and flew to South Dakota on election night that year to assess, with Thune, the possibility of a recount, which Thune ultimately did not pursue. Even in the loss, Vogel said, Thune made sure Vogel had some real South Dakota experiences, including pheasant hunting.
“That started a life-long bird hunting adventure for me,” Vogel said.
Republican lobbyist Ozzie Palomo, a founder of Chartwell Strategy Group, said Thune has proven himself “an effective, conservative legislator.”
“He and his team are willing to work with you and if he’s a ‘no’ on an issue, he’s upfront and transparent about it,” Palomo said. “His experience in whipping votes and understanding how to navigate a tight Senate is going to be key if Senate Republicans hit the ground early in 2025 with some meaty issues before them.”
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