Trump Iran Threats Expose Congress’ Few Powers to Stop Him (1)

April 7, 2026, 7:19 PM UTCUpdated: April 7, 2026, 9:08 PM UTC

President Donald Trump’s threat to destroy Iran’s “whole civilization” ahead of his imposed deadline in the ongoing war is galvanizing Democratic opposition and escalating their calls for the US Congress to return before next week.

House Democratic leaders on Tuesday called for the chamber to come back into session “immediately.”

Despite the Democrats’ alarm, matched only by a handful of Republicans mostly outside of Congress, lawmakers have very few immediate actions they could take.

The House must “vote to end this reckless war of choice in the Middle East before Donald Trump plunges our country into World War III,” House Democratic leaders, including Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (N.Y.), said in a joint statement.

“Congress must stop this president from committing these atrocities,” House Appropriations Defense Subcommittee Ranking Member Betty McCollum (D-Minn.) said.

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) also called on the Senate to be brought back since Trump’s social media posts show “an increasing mental and moral instability that cannot be ignored.”

Some Republicans in Congress have also started to voice concerns, including Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), who called Trump’s threat “an affront to the ideals” of the US.

Here are some of the actions Congress could take in the event of an escalation:

War Powers Resolution

A war powers resolution would be the most immediate action available to lawmakers when they return from the two-week recess. The resolution generally would curb military actions against Iran without congressional authorization.

It’s likely that the US House—with tight Republican margins and GOP lawmakers souring on the war—could pass such a resolution after a similar effort failed recently. Rep. Greg Meeks (D-N.Y.) has introduced a resolution that he can bring up as soon as the House returns, though the Senate would have to give it another shot too as previous Democratic efforts have faltered.

Much of what Congress will do will depend on whether the president follows through on his threats to step up attacks on Iran should the country not open the Strait of Hormuz by his deadline. Hardline conservative Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin became one of the first Republican members of Congress to publicly oppose Trump’s threat to bomb civilian infrastructure. Johnson said on the “John Solomon Reports” podcast that he is “hoping and praying” that Trump’s statements are “bluster.”

“I do not want to see us start blowing up civilian infrastructure,” Johnson said. “I do not want to see that. We are not at war with the Iranian people. We are trying to liberate them.”

Under the War Powers Act of 1973, the president must gain approval from Congress to deploy armed forces abroad except in circumstances where the country has been attacked or faces an imminent threat of hostilities. Under Article I, Section 8 of the US Constitution, Congress alone holds the authority to initiate a formal war and manage its resources, including all military spending, raising an army and providing a navy. The law established a 60-day limit for military action—and an additional 30-day window for an orderly withdrawal—if Congress doesn’t declare war or pass specific authorization.

Such measures have never been fully respected as a binding legal constraint by any US president since it became law. Another issue with the legislation is the president’s veto power, and it’s unclear that Congress has the votes to override it.

“The question is whether Congress will continue to gag itself,” said Kaine, who’s repeatedly pushed for war powers votes.

Authorization for the Use of Military Force

An AUMF is a harder proposition to pass in Congress. Lawmakers have not been able to adopt new AUMFs since the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Murkowski said last month she’s shopping around an authorization for Iran.

An AUMF is a statutory tool used by Congress to authorize the president to use military force against specific targets, operating within defined parameters rather than fully declaring war.

Murkowski, who was one of the first congressional Republicans to condemn Trump’s threats, said Tuesday that his comment “cannot be excused away as an attempt to gain leverage in negotiations with Iran.”

“This type of rhetoric is an affront to the ideals our nation has sought to uphold and promote around the world for nearly 250 years,” Murkowski said. “It undermines our long-standing role as a global beacon of freedom and directly endangers Americans both abroad and at home.”

Funding

Democrats and some Republicans can decide to withhold their much-needed votes on any war funding package. The Pentagon has sent a $200 billion war funding proposal to the White House, but the president hasn’t yet sent that request to Congress. The Trump administration last week requested $1.5 trillion for national security in fiscal year 2027, including $350 billion in mandatory spending that would have to be considered as part of a second budget reconciliation package.

Republican Sen. John Curtis (Utah) last week said he wouldn’t support operations in Iran without a formal declaration of war from Congress.

Impeachment and the 25th Amendment

Congress can initiate investigations and introduce articles of impeachment for war crimes and abuse of power. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) on Tuesday called for Congress to immediately come back into session to pass articles of impeachment against Trump after his comments. The move is unlikely in the current Republican-controlled Congress.

Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) said lawmakers should now invoke the 25th Amendment, which allows Congress to remove a president if found unfit for office. Former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, previously a Trump ally, joined some Democrats in calling for the 25th Amendment, labeling Trump’s threat “evil and madness.”

“This is pathetic. Democrats have been talking about impeaching President Trump since before he was even sworn into office. The Democrats in Congress are deranged, weak, and ineffective, which is why their approval ratings are at historic lows,” said White House spokesman Davis Ingle.

Oversight

Congressional committees can hold hearings and subpoena witnesses to document wrongdoing. After a president leaves office, they lose immunity, and lawmakers can pressure the Department of Justice to prosecute them under the War Crimes Act of 1996.

“The United States does not destroy civilizations. Nor do we threaten to do so as some sort of negotiating tactic. We should all desire a future of freedom, security, and prosperity for the people of Iran,” said Rep. Kevin Kiley (I-Calif.), who caucuses with Republicans. “Congress has a responsibility to conduct oversight with respect to ongoing military operations and our obligations under both U.S. law and international agreements to which we are a signatory.”

To contact the reporters on this story: Roxana Tiron in Washington at rtiron@bgov.com; Lillianna Byington in Washington at lbyington@bloombergindustry.com

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Brandon Conradis at bconradis@bloombergindustry.com

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